Revealed: the Socialist International, world government and international finance

Revealed: the Socialist International, world government and international finance

by Cassivellaunus, 20 May 2014

The Socialist International is a London-based organisation set up by the Fabian Society and the Labour Party for the purpose of establishing a world government controlled by international financial interests.

Already in the late 1800s, the Fabian Society (FS) – which had close links to the Rothschilds, the Rockefellers and other leading bankers and industrialists – set out to achieve control over Britain’s working and middle classes as a means to impose state control over resources, industry and finance.

The key organisations through which the FS aimed to achieve this objective were: the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), the Independent Labour Party (ILP), the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the Labour Representation Committee (LRC), later renamed The Labour Party.

The FS and its Labour front came very close to achieving their objective in the early 1940s when – as Britain’s second-largest party – Labour was invited by the ruling Conservatives to join a coalition government for the duration of the war. As part of the government, Labour did its best to impose a regime of partial nationalisation, centralised control and planned production.

After winning the 1945 general elections, Labour was able to carry over the war-time system of State control into peace.

Labour’s Socialist experiment quickly fell out of favour with the British people, resulting in a sound defeat in the following elections.

However, while losing power at home, Labour was able to take a leading role on the international scene.

As most of Europe’s Socialist parties had been closed down by the German authorities during the war, Socialist ringleaders fled to London where they were harboured by the Labour Party. After the war, Labour was involved in reconstructing Socialist parties all over Europe, particularly in West Germany which at the time was under British and American occupation.

In this way, Labour became de facto leader of International Socialism, a position it exploited to the full to achieve its goal of taking worldwide control of the Socialist movement.

The socialist-corporate drive for world government

A long-cherished aim of the Fabian Society and the Labour Party was world government, an aim they shared with their financial supporters and promoted through writings like Leonard Woolf’s International Government (1916) as well as through organisations like the League of Nations and the United Nations.

The Rockefellers, in particular, had spent millions of dollars financing Fabian projects like the London School of Economics (LSE) and the League of Nations, and played a central role in founding and financing the League’s successor, the United Nations.

The key organisations involved in the creation of the United Nations were: (1) the Special Subcommittee on International Organisation, a subcommittee of the US Advisory Committee on Postwar Policy, (2) the War and Peace Studies (WPS) group and (3) the Informal Agenda Group (IAG). All three were staffed with members of the Rockefeller-controlled Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) – which dominated the US State Department – and over 40 CFR operatives, including Nelson Rockefeller and Rockefeller lawyer McCloy (see below), were at the 1945 San Francisco Conference which founded the UN.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has officially acknowledged that the Rockefeller family has provided “immense support for the League of Nations and the United Nations over the years” (UN Department of Public Information, SG/SM/14498, 10 Sept 2012). 

The UN’s links to Socialism were absolutely clear from inception, with the appointment of leading Belgian Socialist Paul-Henri Spaak as President, of Norwegian Labour Party leader Trygve Lie as Secretary-General, of Russian Socialist (Communist) Arkady Sobolev as Under-Secretary-General for Political and Security Council Affairs, etc.

The UN and the Socialist International

The Labour Party’s National Executive Committee had already started to study the problem of organising an international association of Labour and Socialist parties during the war. In 1945, while the UN was being set up in America, a Socialist Conference of the United Nations was held in London, where a committee was appointed to set up a temporary London-based bureau to organise international Socialist conferences.

In May 1946, Labour convened a conference of Socialist parties in Clacton-on-Sea where the Socialist Information and Liaison Office (SILO) was set up for the above purpose. SILO was housed in the Labour Party’s headquarters and financed by it.

In November 1947 the Antwerp conference set up the Committee of the International Socialist Conference (COMISCO) with headquarters in London, to function between conferences. A sub-committee of COMISCO was set up in the following year to function in the intervals between COMISCO meetings, while SILO was renamed “The Secretariat of the International Socialist Conference”.

Morgan Phillips, General Secretary of the Labour Party and long-time Fabian Socialist, was elected chairman of COMISCO which, again, shows that this was a Fabian-Labour project.  

Finally, at a London conference in March 1951, COMISCO proposed that the International Socialist Conference at the next meeting should change its name to “The Socialist International,” COMISCO to “The Council of the Socialist International” and the COMISCO sub-committee to “The Bureau of the Socialist International”.

This was approved at the Frankfurt-on-Main conference of July 1951 and the Socialist International was constituted as an organisation consisting of a Bureau, a Council, a Congress and a Secretariat, for the purpose of co-ordinating the policies and activities of all Labour and Socialist parties in the world.

From inception, the SI affirmed its unflinching support for the United Nations. Its very first declaration, “Aims and Tasks of Democratic Socialism” (1951) stated:

“Democratic socialism regards the establishment of the United Nations as an important step towards an international community; it demands the strict implementation of the principles of its Charter”.

This was reiterated in subsequent declarations such as that of the 1962 Oslo Conference:

“The ultimate objective of the parties of the Socialist International is nothing less than world government. As a step towards it, they seek to strengthen the United Nations so that it may become more and more effective … Membership of the United Nations must be made universal”.

The directing force behind the SI, of course, was the Fabian Society operating through its Labour Party front whose position was made very clear in its election manifestos:

“For us world government is the ultimate objective and the United Nations the chosen instrument” (Labour Party manifesto, 1964).

With over six million members, Labour was the largest Socialist party outside Communist Russia and China. In addition, it controlled the Socialist parties of key European countries like Germany and France, whose leaders had fallen under Labourinfluence during their exile in London. 

With Labour General Secretary Morgan Phillips as chairman and Guy Mollet(General Secretary of the French Socialist Party) and Erich Ollenhauer(Chairman of the German Social Democratic Party) as vice-presidents, Labourwas in a position to dominate the International and steer it in the desired direction of world government.

Labour’s and the International’s declared intention of making the UN their chosen instrument of world government suggests that they really represented the banking and industrial interests who had set up the UN.

Notable among these were the Rockefellers and associates who, either directly or indirectly (through the Council on Foreign Relations, the State Department, etc.) were instrumental in drafting the blueprint for the UN, for conducting the conferences that organised the UN, for writing the Charter that established the UN and for financing both the conferences and the UN itself. Even the land on which the UN’s New York headquarters was built was provided by the Rockefellers and they have been involved in the UN project ever since.

Socialism and international finance: how Labour governments have been bankrolled by the Rockefellers and associates through the US State and Treasury Departments and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)

US President F D Roosevelt was a close collaborator of the Rockefellers and represented the interests of their Council on Foreign Relations (Dall, p. 192). In 1939 he allowed the CFR, with funds from the Rockefeller Foundation, to do research and make recommendations to the US State Department on (1) Security and Armaments Problems, (2) Economic and Financial Problems, (3) Political Problems and (4) Territorial Problems. CFR members were involved in all State Department policies ever since (Smoot, p. 8).

In 1946, left-wing US President Truman (Roosevelt’s running mate) arranged the Anglo-American Loan in the amount of $4.33 billion, which benefited Labour’sAttlee Government.

In 1947, Labour’s Attlee Government drew over $2.75 billion from US funds in addition to one-quarter billion dollars from the Rockefeller-controlled IMF (created at the 1944 UN Monetary and Financial Conference).

In 1969, Labour’s Wilson Government raised $4 billion, 1 billion of which came from the IMF.

In 1976, Labour’s floundering Callaghan Government asked the IMF for a humiliating bailout of $4 billion (£2.3 billion) (Stone-Lee, 2005) and put Britain’s economy under IMF supervision, etc.

All the above were arranged by Fabian Chancellors under Fabian Prime Ministers.

The Marshall Plan: how the Rockefellers bankrolled

European Socialism

The European Recovery Programme (ERP) a.k.a. Marshall Plan was initiated in 1948 by CFR members Will Clayton and George F. Kennan based on David Rockefeller’s CFR report “Reconstruction in Western Europe”.

According to US Government sources, the Marshall Plan “provided markets for American goods and created reliable trading partners”.

Unfortunately, the Marshall Plan also financed European Socialism. The bulk of the $13 billion Marshall Aid went to:

Britain ……..$3.29 bn
France …….$2.29 bn
Germany …..$1.44 bn
Italy ……….$1.20 bn

Britain was run by the Fabian Socialist Labour Party; France was run by a coalition government of Communists, Socialists and “Christian Democrats”; Germany was run by Fabian Socialist Ernest Bevin and Americans like US High Commissioner John J McCloy, a Rockefeller front man (a partner at the Rockefeller-associated New York law firm Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy); Italy was run by Alcide de Gasperi, a former member of the Social Christian movement.

If to the four main Marshall Aid recipients we add minor ones like Belgium (Socialist Party), Denmark (Social Democrat), Luxembourg (Christian Social, Socialist Workers, Democrat), Norway (Labour Party) and Sweden (Social Democrat), we can clearly see that most of Marshall Plan money – over 76 per cent – went to Socialist and associated left-wing governments, thereby benefiting International Socialism.

No surprise then, that Labour and its collaborators among European parties were instrumental in mobilising Socialist support for the Marshall Plan.

When some Socialist parties correctly saw the Plan as a tool by which US money interests sought to influence or control Europe’s economies and expressed opposition to it, Labour convened a separate conference – held on 22 and 23 March 1948 – consisting of pro-Marshall Plan parties, thereby ensuring “unanimous” support for the Plan.

The Socialist International and the European Union

The idea of a United States of Europe had been a Liberal Capitalist scheme from the time of Richard Cobden, a textile manufacturer with railway interests in America, and was soon adopted by Socialists of all shades from Friedrich Engels to Vladimir Lenin to Liberal (and later Labourite) Arthur Ponsonby.

This was part of a larger plan by Anglo-American interests to unite the British Empire with America and Western Europe. Federal Union was one of the organisations set up for this purpose in 1938 by Percival Brundage – a partner at the Anglo-American consultancy practice Price Waterhouse & Co. and later budget director to President Eisenhower (a Rockefeller collaborator) – and enjoyed the support of prominent Fabian Socialists like Barbara Wootton and William Beveridge(another Rockefeller collaborator).   

After the Second World War, the idea was resuscitated by the same Anglo-American Liberal Capitalists and their Socialist collaborators and made a precondition of Marshall Aid.

Already on 27 May 1947, William Clayton, US Department of State (USDS) Deputy-Secretary for Economic Affairs, had announced the suggestion of USDS economics “experts” for the creation of a European Economic Federation.

Next day, Clayton, the director of Marshall’s Policy Planning Staff George Kennanand other USDS division heads held a meeting with Secretary of State George Marshall at which they decided that Europe’s economic borders should be removed (Agnew & Entrikin, p. 129).

On 5 June 1947, Marshall delivered a speech at Rockefeller-controlled Harvard University in which he spoke of Europe’s alleged requirements for food and other products from America for the following few years and warned of “the consequences to the economy of the United States” if these requirements were not met.

In reality, Europe was in no need of American food. Marshall himself in his speech stated that European farmers produced an ample supply of food and, as it turned out, Russia, who refused American aid, managed quite well.

The real problem was that Europe’s new Socialist economies were floundering due to state control, management and planning, especially in Socialist-controlled towns and cities which is why, by the First Conference of the Socialist International, European Socialists came to backtrack on total state planning, declaring that “Socialist planning … is compatible with the existence of private ownership in important fields, for instance in agriculture, handicraft, retail trade and small and middle-sized industries”.

The impact of Socialist state control on the economy was becoming particularly clear in Fabian-Labour-controlled Britain. Therefore, Attlee’s Fabian Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin rushed to welcome Marshall’s speech and chaired the Conference for European Economic Co-operation on 13 July 1947 which established the Committee for European Economic Co-operation (CEEC), later called Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC).

At this stage, the plan had not yet been officially approved. It was only on 3 April 1948, after much propaganda by leftist business and labour internationalists (Agnew & Entrikin, p. 13), that the US Congress finally passed the Economic Cooperation Act, approving the plan.

The Preamble to the Act stated very clearly: 

“It is further declared to be the policy of the people of the United States to encourage the unification of Europe” (US Congress, Economic Cooperation Act, 3 April 1948).

The very purpose of the OEEC was to allocate among West European countries the funds provided by the Marshall Plan, which shows that Marshall Aid was inextricably linked with European unification through economic integration.

The following year, Bevin claimed that:

“There is a strong body of public feeling in the United States which expects Europe, with or without the United Kingdom, to get together politically and economically, as a price for the continuance of United States aid. This school of thought has in particular many adherents in the Economic Co-operation Administration … we should be attacked in the United States if we could be shown to be preventing European unification” (CAB/129/37/4, “Council of Europe,” Memorandum by Bevin, 24 October 1949).

There was, of course, no need for anyone to attack Bevin for preventing European unification. He himself had earlier called for a Western European Union backed by “American power and wealth” (see National Archives, CAB/129/32, Memorandum by Bevin, 7 Jan. 1949, CAB/129/37, Memorandum by Bevin, 18 Oct. 1949, etc.).

Moreover, official Labour Party statements tell us exactly what kind of European Union Bevin and the Labour Party wanted:

“If the United States of Europe is indeed to succeed and to benefit its peoples, it can only fully succeed if all the countries of Western Europe commit themselves, as our electors committed themselves in 1945, to the belief that Socialism is the hope of us all” (Labour Party Conference 1947). Note, also, the designation “United States of Europe”.

As Britain received the largest slice of the Marshall Aid cake, its political leaders had to be seen to be backing the European project stipulated in the Marshall Plan.

So, again, it comes as no surprise to find that Labour was the driving force behind a United Europe and that the British leaders of Labour-created Socialist International and their continental collaborators, notably SI vice-president Guy Mollet, were early advocates of European union or federation.

Indeed, the International acted as a propaganda mouthpiece to drum up support for the European project. At its First Congress, it declared its support for the creation of a united Europe, stating that “national sovereignty must be transcended”. The SI later set up a permanent Sub-Committee on Propaganda Technique to promote agendas like European union.


The structure of the Socialist International: note the close links to the Council of Europe

and the European Coal and Steel Community (later European Union), bottom left (Rose, p. 13).

The Council of Europe, which had been set up in London in 1949 to promote European union, was already dominated by British Fabians and Labourites and their collaborators among European Socialists. For example, the first president of the Council’s Assembly was the Belgian Socialist Paul-Henri Spaak, who had belonged to Fabian-Labour circles in war-time London and was also a leading figure in the UN (see above).

To ensure its control over the Council of Europe, the Socialist International set up a special Socialist Inter-Group sitting on the Council Assembly, which was staffed with many leading SI members (Rose, p. 11). For example, the Group’s French president was SI vice-president Guy Mollet, a leading advocate of European unification.

Similarly, while Spaak was the first president of the Assembly (later European Parliament) of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the SI set up its own Socialist Group within the ECSC, to ensure a common Socialist policy on the ECSC along SI lines (ibid.).

The identity of leading figures in this network of organisations as well as the interests bankrolling subversive initiatives like the movement for a united Europe, reveal who really was behind the project.

For example, P-H Spaak was a member of the influential Spaak family of Schaerbeek, Belgium, who were long-standing friends of the Rothschilds; Rene Mayer, cousin of the Rothschilds and former manager of their business empire in France, served as president of the ECSC High Authority, etc.

In 1946, Spaak was appointed President of the UN General Assembly.

In 1949, he was appointed President of the Council of Europe Assembly.

In 1950, he was appointed President of the European Movement.

In 1952, he was appointed President of the ECSC Assembly.

In 1957, he was appointed Secretary-General of NATO, etc.

We have seen that the UN was intended as a form of world government and was funded by Rockefeller and associated interests.

Similarly, the European Movement was an organisation campaigning for a united Europe and was co-funded by the American Committee for a United Europe (ACUE) which was itself funded by Rockefeller, Ford and associated interests with close links to the US Government (Aldrich, 1995; Evans-Pritchard, 2000).

The fact that both the UN and European unification were devised and funded by the same interests shows that the European project was part of a wider plan to rule the world by means of a world government.

The appointment of the Socialist Spaak to leading positions in both the UN and the ECSC shows that the political and economic unification of Europe was part and parcel of the corporate-backed Socialist drive for a One-World State.

Moreover, once the European project was in place, the same combination of Socialist politicians and left-wing corporations pushed for British entry.

In 1965, under the Labour Government of former Fabian Society chairman Harold Wilson, Rothschild, Rockefeller and associated interests (Shell, Ford, FIAT, BP) set up the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) to represent their interests (the CBI’s first director-general was John Davies, vice-chairman and managing director of the Shell-BP marketing venture, Shell-Mex and BP).

In the following year, Wilson decided that Britain should join the European Community and launched a campaign to bring this about, placing the country on a sure course for membership and surrender of national sovereignty.

Leading Socialists and associated financial and industrial interests represented by Rothschild-Rockefeller outfits like the European Enterprise Group (EEG, founded by the CBI, above) and the European Round Table of Industrialists (ERT) – which also interlock with the Rockefellers’ Trilateral Commission – have retained strong influence on the EU (Ratiu, pp. 297-9).

Meanwhile, the EU has proved to be a gigantic scam extracting billions from taxpayers and business to fund institutions and organisations that promote its agenda, notably left-wing universities and think-tanks, as well as a wide range of internationalist projects aiming to establish a European superstate and world government.

The Fabian Society itself continues to be funded by subversive EU entities like the European Commission and the Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS), an EU-wide operation co-funded by the European Parliament, which works for a Socialist Europe. 

The Socialist International and the Bilderberg Group

The Bilderberg Group developed from meetings organised in 1952 by Fabian Socialists in collaboration with financial interests represented by the Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA) a.k.a. Chatham House and its US sister organisation, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). Its first conference was held in 1954 at the Bilderberg Hotel near Arnhem, the Netherlands.

In addition to international money interests represented by David Rockefeller, members of the Rothschild family and associates, Socialist International leaders were involved in the Bilderberg project from the start. Notable among these were members of the Fabian Society executive committee Hugh Gaitskell and Denis Healey.

Healey was a member of the Fabian Society from the early 1940s to the early 1980s. As a member of the Fabian Society’s International Bureau Advisory Committee, he was a leading figure in Fabian Society and Labour Party foreign policy as well as being instrumental in organising the meetings that created the Socialist International, writing the first draft of its Declaration of Socialist Principles, while also writing speeches for its chairman Morgan Phillips.

Healey became a long-time member of the Bilderberg steering committee and Chatham House councillor. Another leading figure involved in the Bilderberg project was SI vice-president Guy Mollet.

The involvement of leading Socialists and international bankers in the Bilderbergshows that the Group was a kind of liaison organisation between International Socialism and International Finance designed to co-ordinate foreign policy among politicians and money interests on both sides of the Atlantic.

In particular, the Bilderberg Group has played a pivotal role in the creation of international organisations pursuing the world government agenda of corporate interests, like the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) which later became the “Common Market” and the EU. Bilderberg co-founder Denis Healey has admitted that the Group aims to achieve a “united global governance”.

In addition to the Rockefellers, Shell (Rothschild) interests who co-founded the Bilderberg have maintained a leading role in the Group and associated projects at national and international level.

From 1971 to 1974, Labour peer and Shell head of research, Lord Victor Rothschild, served as founding director of the Central Policy Review Staff (CPRS), the cabinet think-tank advising the Government.

Despite the “expert” advice, Britain’s Socialist-controlled economy was left in tatters and had to be “saved” in 1976 by Bilderberger Healey (who served as Chancellor) by conveniently asking for a $4 billion bailout from the Rockefeller-controlled IMF (see above).

Unconcerned with the poor results of “expert” Shell advice, Labour Prime Minister and leading Fabian Society member James Callaghan in 1978 appointed Geoffrey Chandler, a left-wing Shell executive of over 20 years, as director-general of the National Economic Development Council (NEDC), a Fabian-Labour outfit tasked with co-ordinating the interests of CBI, Trade Union Congress (TUC) and Government. 

Bilderberger Healey himself was appointed NEDC chairman and in 1979 joined Arthur Knight, Bilderberg director and member of the CBI economic committee, on the Rockefeller’s Trilateral Commission, etc.

All this clearly exposes Socialism as the handmaid of monopolist corporations cynically feigning “social and environmental responsibility” as a smokescreen for undemocratic agendas.

Although the stated objectives of the Socialist International’s very first declaration were to “liberate peoples from dependence on a minority which owned or controlled the means of production”; to prevent “the concentration of economic power in the hands of a few”; and to create “a system in which the public interest takes precedence over the interest of private profit”, it has achieved the opposite, effectively helping to create a world system in which economic power is concentrated in the hands of a few multinational corporations of which leading Socialists (notably, Denis Healey, Tony Blair, Lord Mandelson, Gerhard Schroder, etc.) have been and are close collaborators.

Agnew, John and Entrikin, J Nicholas, The Marshall Plan Today: Model and Metaphor, London, 2004.

Aldrich, Richard J., “OSS, CIA and European Unity: The American Committee on United Europe, 1948-60”, International History Review, Vol. 18, No. 4, London, Nov. 1995.

Callaghan, John, The Labour Party and Foreign Policy: A History, Abingdon, Oxon, 2007.

Dall, Curtis B., Franklin Roosevelt, My Exploited Father-in-Law, 1968, 1982 ed., Institute for Historical Review, Torrance, CA.

De Villemarest, Pierre, Facts & Chronicles Denied To The Public, vol. 2, “The Secrets of Bilderberg”, 2003, English trans. Slough, Berkshire, 2004.

Evans-Pritchard, Ambrose, “Euro-federalists financed by US spy chiefs”, Daily Telegraph, 19 Sept. 2000. 

Healey, Denis, The Time of My Life, London, 2006.

Martin, Rose, Fabian Freeway: High Road to Socialism in the U.S.A., Chicago, IL, 1966.

Ratiu, Ioan, The Milner-Fabian Conspiracy, Richmond, 2012.

Rose, Saul, The Socialist International, London, 1955.

Sibilev, Nikolai, The Socialist International, English translation, Moscow, 1984.

Smoot, Dan, The Invisible Government, Boston, MA, 1962.

Socialist Affairs: The Journal of the Socialist International, London, 1971-2014.

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Stone-Lee, Ollie, “1975 economic fears are laid bare”, BBC News, 29 Dec. 2005.

Author: Graham Moore

I believe in Liberty, Freedom and fairness for all. Sick of political correctness and mind and thought control. The Rule of Law, Common Law.

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